Document Type : Research

Author

PhD in Linguistics, Assistant Professor, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Faculty Member, Islamic Azad University, Chalous Branch

Abstract

In many Iranian languages including Persian, the past tense stem of some verbs terminates with –št, while their present stem ends with a /r/ which in fact exists in the root; but this /r/ does not appear in the past stem. These verbs are /ænbaštæn/, /engaštæn/, /pendaštæn/, /daštæn/, /kaštæn/, /gozaštæn/, /gaštæn/, /gozæštæn/, /gomaštæn/, /negaštæn/ and their combinations. Concerning the basic morpheme of │T│ for the past tense of verbs represented in different allomorphs (t, d, st, št, xt, ft, ɑd, ud and id), this research aims to detect the process of formation the -št form of this morpheme in the mentioned verbs. The question is what phonemic processes have led to the deletion of a consonant (r) from the root (which is athwart the definition of "root”) and appearance of /š/ in the past stem. The main motivation for this investigation was the lack of convincing reason, explanation or even analysis for the issue. This research based on phonetic factors for sound change containing the elements of motor planning, aerodynamic constraints, gestural mechanics, and especially interactive-phonetic (IP) on one hand, and historical studies on the other hand, has applied both diachronic and synchronic evidences for analysis and explanation of the sound change, and ultimately morpheme formation in the discussed subject.
The absence of a consonant in the stem of a verb, in Persian is a token for being stem constructor, but the presence of a consonant in the root and its absence in only one of the stems indicates that there must be a reason for disappearing the consonant of the root; particularly in past stems due to their construction. In the base of all past stems, “t” or “d” (depending on their voicing the environment) is seen, whilst the presence of /š/ (the only phoneme without any vestige neither in the root nor in the base form of stems, unlike other phonemes than “t/d” in the stems) in /št/ has been regarded as the sole “exceptional” past stem morpheme by the scholars, due to the lack of any reason for it.
The assumption of this study was that the initial allomorph of past stem constructor should have been /st/ which had make the ending consonant cluster /rst/, and then through the telescoping process of the /r/ (unvoiced [ɾ/ɹ]) with [s] has triggered to emerge /š/. The question here is about the fount of /s/ in the stem. Some investigations have pointed out that in the aorist paradigm of the Old Iranian languages including Old Persian, /s/ had been the aorist stem constructor; therefore some stems were ended with /*rst/. According to researchers, this /s/ is still seen in some verbs, despite vanishing of aorist inflection, and in some cases, it has been changed into /š/.
This statement improves our presupposition about the initial allomorph of past stem constructor /st/ instead of /št/ to make ending consonant cluster /rst/ in the past stem. Moreover, one of the most frequent past tense morpheme of many stems in Iranian languages is /-st/, and based on diachronic (e.g. in Indo-European and Indo-Iranian Languages) and synchronic (German dialects and Scandinavian Languages) studies there is a universal sound change of s→š in an especial context. Hereupon, it seems reasonable to emerge such phoneme in the discussed stems if the condition is fulfilled. One of the triggering conditions has been reported in ruki rule (s → š / r, u, k, i -). Concerning the adjacency of /r/ (the last consonant of the root) and /s/ of the morpheme /st/, the condition is acquired, but the data in Iranian Persian language show that a /t/ or /n/ is needed for the change to occur.
The process of this phonemic change seems to be a phasic telescoping process via saltation (conversion of sound A to C, leaping over a phonetically intermediate sound B) as follows. In order to articulate /r/ at the end of the root and the /s/ of the past tense morpheme, respectively the tip and the blade of the tongue touches the back and the front of the alveolar ridge. In this companion, /s/ gets regressive assimilation with /r/ and becomes retroflex ([ʂ]: intermediate of saltation) by pulling back the tip of the tongue into the hard palate, but the alveolar /t/ in /st/ (which is articulated by blade of the tongue in Persian language) removes immediately the retroflex feature by pulling up the tip of the tongue toward the blade to form /š/. Thus based on telescoping process, contrary to the opinion of most scholars, the /r/ of the root has not been omitted but has been merged into /s/ to emerge the sole phoneme /š/: CVr+st →CVšt.
The results not only explain the sound change in the above mentioned verbs, but also in some other words in Persian  (e.g. /gošne/ hungry, /tešne/ thirsty and etc.); and in dialects of Iranian languages (e.g. /šuštan/ in Mahabadi Kurdish and /šištan/ in Davani dialect for /šostan/ to wash in Persian). As previously mentioned, in all of the samples of this change a /t/ or /n/ must be after /rs/ (Vrsn/t). Moreover, the appearance of this phenomenon in simple words (free morphemic structure) like gošne (hungry), tešne (thirsty), Paštu (Pashto), pašne (heel) and so forth, indicates that this change cannot be a morphophonemic change. Therefore, this view does not consent to most of the studies in this case which remark it as a morphophonemic change; athwart, it accords with all studies and findings in IP model on phonemic change of /s/ to /š/.     

Keywords

Abolghasemi, M. (1994). Verbs in Persian Dari. Tehran: Ghoghnous [In Persian].
Beekes. R. S. P. (1995). Comparative Indo-European linguistics. Amesterdam/ Phildelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Browman, C., & Goldstein, L. (1991). Gestural structures: distinctiveness, phonological processes, and historical change. In I. Mattingly & M. Studdert-Kennedy (Eds.), Modularity and the Motor Theory of Speech Perception (pp. 313– 338). Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 
Bukmaier, V., Harrington. J., & Kleber. F. (2014). An analysis of post-vocalic /s-ʃ/ neutralization in Augsburg German: evidence for a gradient sound change. Frontiers in Psychology, 5, 1-12.
Bybee, J. (2010). Theoretical dimensions of linguistic typology; markedness: iconicity, economy, and frequency. In J. J. Song (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of linguistic typology (pp. 131- 147). Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.
Crowley, T., & Bowern. C., (2010). An introduction to historical linguistics (4th ed.). Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press.
Crystal, D. (2003). A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics. Oxford and Malden (MA): Blackwell.
Darmesteter, J. (1971). Étude Iraninnes. Amesterdam: Phillo Press.
Efimov, V.A. (2011 [1986]) The Ormuri Language in Past and Present. (L.G. Baart Joan, Trans.). Islamabad: Forum for Language Initiatives.
Garrett, A., & Johnson. K. (2011). Phonetic bias in sound change. In A. C. L. Yu (Ed.), Origins of sound change: Approaches to phonologization (pp. 9-61). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gholamhoseinzadeh, G., Jabr, M., Dorri. N., & Abbasi. Z. (2018). Verb construction in Persian language. LIRE, 15 (59), 63-86. Retrieved from <http://journals.modares.ac.ir/article-41-27830-fa.html>. [In Persian]
Greenberg, J. H. (1966). Language universals: with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton.
Hamann, S. (2003).  The phonetics and phonology of retroflexes, Utrecht: LOT (Landelijke Onderzoekschool Taalwetenschap).
Hamann, S. (2005). The diachronic emergence of retroflex segments in three languages, Link, 15 (1), 29-48.
Hamann, S. (2014). Phonological changes. InC. Bowern & B. Evans(Ed.), The Routledge handbook of historical linguistics (pp. 249-263). New York & London: Routledge.
Harrington, J., Kleber, F., & Reubold, U. (2008).Compensation for coarticulation, /u/-fronting, and sound change in Standard Southern British: an acoustic and perceptual study. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 123, 2825-2835.
Harrington, J., Kleber, F., Reubold, U., Schiel, F. & Stevens, M. (2018). Linking cognitive and social aspects of sound change using agent-based modeling. Topics in Cognitive Science, 10, 707-728.
Hayes, B., & White, J. (2015). Saltation and the P-map. Phonology, 32(02), 267-302.
Henderson, M. (1978). Modern Persian verb morphology. Journal of American Oriental Society, 98(4), 375-388.
Heydari-Malayeri, M. (2005-2019). An etymological dictionary of astronomy and astrophysics, English-French-Persian. Retrieved from <http://‌‌dictionary.obspm.fr>
Hubschmann, H. (1895). Phonetic evolution of language from Indo-European to modern Persian. (B. Moeini Sam, Trans.). Tehran: Amir-Kabir. [In Persian].
Hyman, L. M. (2001). The limits of phonetic determinism in phonology: *NC revisited. In B. Hume & K. Johnson (Eds.), The Role of Speech Perception in Phonology (pp.141-185). San Diego, CA: Academic.
Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2003). On the sources of opacity in OT: coda processes in German. In C. Féry & R. van de Vijver (Eds.), The syllable in Optimality Theory (pp. 271-303). Cambridge University Press.
Karampour, F., Bijankhan, M., & Cheraghi, Z. (2011). Phonological analysis of modern Persian irregular verbs: an optimality approach. Language Researches, 2, 1(2) 51-82 [In Persian].
Kenstowicz, M., & Kisseberth, Ch. (1977).Topics in Phonological Theory. New York: Academic Press.
Kiparsky, P. (1968). Linguistic universals and linguistic change. In E. Bach & R.T. Harms (Eds.), Universals in linguistic theory (pp. 170–202). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Kiparsky, P. (1973). Abstractness, opacity and global rules. In O. Fujimura (Ed.), Three dimensions of linguistic theory (pp. 57-86). Tokyo: Taikusha.
Kiparsky, P. (1995). The phonological basis of sound change. In J. A. Goldsmith (Ed.), The handbook of phonology theory (pp. 640-670). Oxford: Blackwell.
Kord-e ZafaranluKambuziya, A., Tajabadi, F., Assi, M., & Aghagolzadeh, F. (2015). Morpho-phonemic Analysis of Past Stem in Persian.  Language Related Research, 6 (4), 201-228. [In Persian].
Labov, W. (1994), Principles of linguistic change (Vol. 1). Internal factors. Oxford: Blackwell.
Labov, W. (2010). Principles of linguistic change: cognitive and cultural factors. Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell.
Lass, R. (1997). Historical linguistics and language change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lindblom, B., Guion, S., Hura, S., Moon, S-J., & Willerman, R. (1995). Is sound change adaptive? Rivista di Linguistica, 7, 5 -36.
Lindqvist, Ch., (2007). Schwedische Phonetik: für Deutschsprachige. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag, Print. Retrieved from <http://www.glottopedia.org/index.php/Swedish_Phonology>.
Lubowicz, A. (2002). Derived environment effects in optimality theory. Lingua, 112, 243-280.
Maguire, W. (2007). What is a merger, and can it be reversed? The origin, status and reversal of the 'NURSE-NORTH Merger' in Tyneside English. (PhD Dissertation). Newcastle University,Newcastle, United Kingdom.
McCarthy, J. J. (2003). Comparative markedness. Theoretical Linguistics, 29, 1-51.
Meyer, J., Dentel, L. & Meunier, F. (2013). Speech recognition in natural background noise. PLoS ONE, 8(11), 1-14.
Minkova, D. (1993). On leapfrogging in historical phonology. In J. V. Marle (Ed.), Historical linguistics 1991: papers from the 10th international conference on historical linguistics, Amsterdam, 12-16 August 1991 (pp. 211-228). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Moeini Sam, B. (2014). The survivors of the old Aorist stems in the new Persian. Science-Research / ISC. 5 (901), ‎ 177-198. [In Persian]
Monshizadeh, M. (1998). Past tense morphemes and its variants. Journal of Human Sciences Research. 23, 5-28 [In Persian].
Myers, S. (2002). Gaps in factorial typology: the case of voicing in consonant clusters. Retrieved from <http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/509-0302/509-0302-MYERS-0-0.PDF>.
Ohala, J. J. (1993). Sound change as nature's speech perception experiment. Speech Communication, 13, 155-161.
Ohala, J. J. (2003). Phonetics and historical phonology. In B. Joseph & R. Janda (Eds.), The handbook of historical linguistics (pp. 669-686). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Ohala, J. J. (2012). The listener as a source of sound change: an update. In M. J Solé & D. Recasens (Eds.), The initiation of sound change: perception, production, and social factors (pp. 21–36). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ohala, J. J. (1989), Sound change is drawn from a pool of synchronic variation, In L. E. Breivik & E. H. Jahr(Eds.), Language Change: Contributions to the Study of its Causes (pp. 173–198). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Rastorgujeva, V. S. (1990). Sravnitelno-istoricheskaia grammatika zapadno-iranskikh iazykov (fonologiia). Мoscow: Nauka.
Sanker, Ch. )2015(. Patterns of misperception of Arabic consonants. In A. J. H. Sande, S. Lamoureux, K. Baclawski, & A. Zerbe (Eds.), Proceedings of the Forty-First Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (pp. 447–471). Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society.
Stevens, M., Bukmaier, V., & Harrington, J. (2015). Pre-consonantal /s/ retraction. Proceedings of the 18th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Presented at 10-14 August 2015,University of Glasgow.
Stevens, M., Harrington, J., & Schiel, F. (2019). Associating the origin and spread of sound change using agent-based modelling applied to /s/-retraction in English. Glossa: a Journal of General Linguistics 4(1),1-30.
Trask, L. R. (1996). A Dictionary of phonetics and Phonology. London & New York: Routledge.
Trail, R. L., & Cooper, G. R. (1999). Kalasha dictionary – with English and Urdu. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies and Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Wahlen, D. (1989). Vowel and consonant judgments are not independent when cued by the same information. Perception and Psychophysics, 46(3), 284-292.
Wang, S-Y. W. (1968). Vowels features, paired variables, and the English vowel shift. Linguistic Society of America, 44 (4), 695-708. Retrieved from
Yakubovich, I. S. (1997). The distribution of -st- and -št- in Classical Persian. In F. A. Zalizniak (Ed.), Studia Linguarum (Vol. 1, pp. 21-36). Moscow: RGGU.